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III Kinetic Conflicts & DefenceMiddle East and North Africa

Rabat sees the Mecca pact as a bargaining network, not NATO

Suez Canal, Egypt — seen from the ISS (March 2016)Photo: NASA / Tim Kopra (ISS Expedition 46) · Public domain · Source
Institution
Policy Center for the New South (PCNS)
Author
Ferid Belhaj
Country · language
Morocco · English
Affiliation
OCP-backed think tank (Rabat)

Summary

In a September 2026 policy brief for the Rabat-based Policy Center for the New South, Ferid Belhaj, a former World Bank vice-president for the Middle East and North Africa, examines the Mecca Joint Defence Agreement signed by Saudi Arabia, Türkiye and Pakistan on 7 August 2026. Belhaj argues that the agreement borrows the language of NATO's Article 5 but lacks the joint command, joint planning and interoperability that make it credible. The first Strategic Political and Defence Committee, which met in Istanbul on 31 August, agreed to set up a permanent secretariat in Saudi Arabia. The author counts this as progress, but also reads it as an admission that credibility still has to be built.

The central evidence in the brief is September's Houthi attacks. Pakistan said on 10 September that no military response under the pact was being discussed. Türkiye first confined itself to condemnation, then said on 19 September that it could help meet Saudi military needs. The author treats this graduated response as proof that alliance commitments kick in step by step through bargaining, not automatically. The US, despite two direct requests for help from the crown prince, did not join in; it provided intelligence support and on 17 September approved a possible $24.3bn sale of 48 F-35s. Belhaj concludes that the US is losing its monopoly in the region far faster than its superiority.

The author stresses that the three countries' threat rankings do not overlap. For Pakistan the primary threat is India; for Türkiye, Russia, Syria and the Eastern Mediterranean; for Saudi Arabia, Iran and Yemen. He recalls that the 1955 Baghdad Pact, later known as CENTO, proved ineffective for the same reason, and that Pakistan's parliament refused to join the Yemen intervention in 2015. In his view, the pact can make sense not as a military bloc but as a network of co-operation on drones, missile defence and joint defence production.

Blind spot

The brief was written before Türkiye approved a rapid deployment of forces to Saudi Arabia on 5 October, which partly dates its finding that the partners do not enter wars automatically. The reading keeps the alliance within a framework of inter-state deterrence. It does not address how damage from Houthi attacks on Saudi oil infrastructure and Red Sea shipping changes the pact's cost calculus, nor scenarios that could clash with Türkiye's NATO obligations.

Talay assessment

Bottom line

The PCNS reading strips the Mecca pact of the 'Muslim NATO' narrative and casts it as a network of commitments that operates through bargaining. Pakistan ruling out a military response on 10 September supports this view. Türkiye's offer of help on 19 September and its deployment approval on 5 October bear out the thesis of graduated escalation. The most likely path is that the pact advances through joint production and limited deployments without turning into automatic collective defence.

Likely effects

  • Turkish defence industryPositive1–6 months

    If the pact works as a co-operation network, it opens a new channel for Turkish defence exports to the Gulf and South Asia through drones and joint defence production.

  • Saudi securityUncertain1–6 months

    The partners' graduated response keeps Riyadh dependent on US intelligence and systems against Houthi missiles; the $24.3bn F-35 approval is a sign of that tie.

  • Türkiye's share of the riskNegativeWeeks

    With its deployment approval, Türkiye may become the first partner to pay on the ground for rules of engagement the pact text leaves vague.

Possibilities, ranked

  1. 1
    Graduated, limited contributions55%

    Türkiye and Pakistan provide support but do not enter direct combat; the pact deepens through industrial co-operation.

    Watch: An official statement on the mission of Turkish and Pakistani units on Saudi soil

  2. 2
    Institutionalisation accelerates25%

    Through a permanent secretariat and joint exercises, the pact gains a capacity for joint planning.

    Watch: The opening of the permanent secretariat in Saudi Arabia and the announcement of the first trilateral exercise

  3. 3
    The pact stays on paper20%

    The partners' threat rankings diverge and the pact becomes as ineffective as CENTO.

    Watch: Riyadh avoiding support under the pact during an India–Pakistan crisis

Probabilities are calibrated judgement based on the sources, not measurement, and are revised as new information arrives. Not investment advice.

Original publication: policycenter.ma · 30 September 2026

This page summarises the institution's view and does not reflect the view of Talay Insight. No direct quotation is used.