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A vessel passing the container cranes of Cochin Port

III Kinetic Conflicts & DefenceSouth Asia

From New Delhi, the Gulf's Pakistan shield fails without economic resilience

Cochin Port, Vallarpadam Island, Kerala, India (2026)Photo: Rangan Datta Wiki / Wikimedia Commons · CC BY-SA 4.0 · resized · Source
Institution
Observer Research Foundation (Expert Speak)
Author
Gopi Krishna Bhamidipati
Country · language
India · English
Affiliation
Independent think tank

Summary

In an ORF piece dated 15 October, Gopi Krishna Bhamidipati argues that the six monarchies of the Gulf Cooperation Council rest their security on two pillars. For military deterrence they rely on transactional defence pacts with Pakistan; for lasting commercial stability, on India's economic weight. In his view, the ongoing war has exposed the weakness of both. Through the Mecca Pact in August, Pakistan had implied it would respond to attacks spilling into Saudi Arabia, then said a military response against the Houthis was not on the table. The author links this retreat to dependence on the IMF, fuel austerity and Baloch concerns along the 550-mile border with Iran.

On India, the author sets out the vulnerability in numbers. Bilateral trade with the Gulf stands at $178.56bn, and the Indian diaspora in the Gulf numbers about 10 million. The closure of Hormuz pushed crude from about $69 a barrel to above $114. India has shifted up to 60% of its crude imports to routes avoiding Hormuz, but its strategic reserves, according to the author, cover only about seven days of consumption. The sinking of an Indian-flagged cargo ship off Yemen shows that commercial weight offers no protection without maritime security.

The author proposes that India build a non-offensive naval presence without joining Western strike coalitions. He suggests expanding independent naval deployments on the Operation Sankalp model and providing neutral escorts for merchant convoys with Gulf partners. He also calls for linking Gulf navies to the Information Fusion Centre for the Indian Ocean Region and for drone defences at bypass points such as Oman's port of Duqm.

Blind spot

Although he writes for ORF, the author is a senior fellow at the Washington-based New Lines Institute; the reading reflects a view shared by India's strategic community and Gulf circles in the US. Pakistan's perspective and the text of the Mecca Pact are not discussed. Key claims, such as the seven-day reserve and the sinking of the Indian-flagged ship, are not sourced. The reaction from Iran and China to a larger Indian naval presence in the Gulf is not addressed.

Talay assessment

Bottom line

The piece shows that strategic circles in New Delhi read the Gulf crisis as an opportunity: Pakistan's retreat from the Mecca Pact opens room for India to act as a maritime security provider. Yet the seven-day reserve and a diaspora of 10 million are reminders that India is also directly exposed to the war. The most likely path is that India modestly expands Sankalp-style escort missions while avoiding any formal Gulf defence commitment.

Likely effects

  • Indian NavyUncertain1–6 months

    Convoy escorts and drone defences at bypass points such as Duqm raise the Indian Navy's mission load and costs in the Arabian Sea.

  • Pakistan–Gulf relationsNegative1–6 months

    The retreat from the Mecca Pact could weaken Riyadh's confidence in Pakistan's deterrence and speed up the Gulf's diversification of security partners.

  • India's energy securityNegativeWeeks

    Despite rerouting 60% of imports, a seven-day reserve leaves India exposed to a price shock in any new disruption.

Possibilities, ranked

  1. 1
    Limited escort expansion55%

    India adds ships under Sankalp and deepens information sharing with Gulf partners, but gives no formal defence commitment.

    Watch: An Indian Navy announcement of a new escort mission in the Arabian Sea or the Gulf of Aden

  2. 2
    Passive posture persists30%

    To preserve its balance with Iran and China, New Delhi keeps its naval presence at current levels and leans on economic tools.

    Watch: India signing no new maritime security agreement with Gulf capitals

  3. 3
    India–Gulf defence agreement15%

    Attacks target Indian vessels again and India signs a formal maritime security agreement with a Gulf state.

    Watch: A new attack on an Indian-flagged or Indian-crewed vessel followed by a bilateral defence announcement

Probabilities are calibrated judgement based on the sources, not measurement, and are revised as new information arrives. Not investment advice.

Original publication: orfonline.org · 15 October 2026

This page summarises the institution's view and does not reflect the view of Talay Insight. No direct quotation is used.